A State in Crisis
In Delaware, the dream of a stable home feels like a cruel mirage for too many. Soaring house prices have locked out low-income families, seniors, and people with disabilities, leaving them to scrape by in a market that prioritizes profit over people. Governor Matt Meyer, in his recent budget proposal, has taken a stand, pledging $12 million to tackle housing affordability and accessibility. It’s a step forward, but the scale of the crisis demands far more than incremental gestures. Delaware’s shortage of over 20,000 affordable units isn’t just a statistic; it’s a moral failing that strips dignity from those already on the margins.
The stories are gut-wrenching. A single mother working two jobs can’t afford rent without sacrificing groceries. An elderly couple, reliant on fixed incomes, faces eviction as costs climb. People with disabilities, already navigating a world not built for them, are trapped in inaccessible homes or forced into homelessness. These aren’t isolated cases. They reflect a systemic breakdown, where only 35 affordable homes exist for every 100 extremely low-income renters nationwide. Delaware, like the rest of the country, is failing its most vulnerable.
Meyer’s budget, with its $6 million for state rental assistance and increased support for development, signals a commitment to change. Yet, the urgency of the crisis calls for a revolution in how we approach housing, not just a bandage. The state’s Affordable Housing Production Task Force, formed in 2024, laid out 71 recommendations, from zoning reform to streamlined construction. These are not abstract policy points; they’re lifelines for families teetering on the edge. But without relentless follow-through, they risk becoming another report gathering dust.
The Human Toll of Inaction
The housing crisis isn’t just about numbers; it’s about lives derailed. Nationwide, 7.1 million affordable rental homes are missing for 10.9 million low-income renters. Three-quarters of these households spend over half their income on rent, leaving little for food, healthcare, or emergencies. In Delaware, where home prices rose 3.4% last year, the median sales price hit $390,000, far beyond the reach of most. For low-wage workers, seniors, and people with disabilities, the market offers no mercy.
Consider the impact on children. Stable housing correlates with better educational outcomes and economic mobility. When families are forced to move repeatedly or live in substandard conditions, kids suffer. The cost isn’t just personal; it’s societal. The affordability crisis drains the U.S. economy of $2 trillion annually in lost wages and productivity. By contrast, investing in housing is a proven way to break cycles of poverty. Yet, only one in four eligible low-income families receives federal housing aid due to chronic underfunding.
People with disabilities face especially cruel barriers. Only 5% of U.S. homes are accessible, despite nearly half the population being disabled or elderly. In Delaware, 31% of the homeless have a disabling condition, a stark reminder of what happens when systems fail. Historical practices like redlining and exclusionary zoning, rooted in racism and ableism, have compounded these inequities, leaving marginalized groups to bear the brunt of today’s crisis.
A Misguided Opposition
Some argue the answer lies in deregulation and market-driven solutions, a stance often championed by policymakers wary of government intervention. They claim zoning reforms and reduced permitting hurdles will unleash private development, magically lowering costs. But this ignores reality. Deregulation alone doesn’t guarantee affordable units; it often fuels luxury condos while low-income renters are left behind. The idea that markets will self-correct overlooks decades of evidence showing how unchecked development widens inequality.
Proponents of this view also suggest cutting federal subsidies, arguing they distort markets or benefit homeowners over renters. Yet, slashing aid would devastate the most vulnerable, like the 84% of low-income disabled people who receive no housing assistance. Their alternative—direct cash transfers—sounds appealing but lacks the scale to address a 20,000-unit shortage in Delaware alone. Relying on local control, another favored approach, often perpetuates NIMBYism, where wealthy communities block affordable housing to protect property values.
A Path Forward
Delaware’s leaders must seize this moment. Meyer’s budget is a start, but advocates rightly demand at least 1% of the state budget—over $60 million annually—for housing. This could fund rental assistance, accessible units, and innovative models like mixed-income communities. The state’s Community Development Block Grant, allocating $2.57 million for 2025, shows what targeted investment can do, rehabilitating homes for those who need them most. Expanding Low-Income Housing Tax Credits and land acquisition programs could further accelerate progress.
Nationally, the Biden-Harris administration’s push for millions of new affordable units and stronger tenant protections offers a blueprint. Proposals like national rent control and social housing, though politically contentious, address root causes that deregulation ignores. Delaware can lead by example, adopting universal design standards and cracking down on housing discrimination. These steps aren’t just policies; they’re commitments to justice for those the system has failed.
No Time to Wait
The housing crisis in Delaware is a test of our values. Every family deserves a safe, affordable place to call home, not a lifetime of instability. Governor Meyer’s budget is a spark, but it must ignite a broader movement. Lawmakers, advocates, and communities must rally behind bold investments and reforms, rejecting half-measures and market fantasies that leave people behind.
The alternative is unthinkable: more evictions, more homelessness, more dreams crushed under the weight of a broken system. Delaware can chart a different course, one where housing is a right, not a privilege. The time for action is now, and the stakes could not be higher.